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Description
mountainbike meinhövel 28" Elektro Alu. E-Bike ADO Air PRO 28 latte Riemenantrieb hydr. disc – fahrrad-Ass.deADO E Bikes: ADO E Bikes ist seit 2021 auf dem internationalen Markt ttig und heutzutage schon auf allen groen Fahrradmrkten wie Deutschland, Niederlande, Italien, Grobritannien, USA usw. vertreten. ADO E Bikes bietet sehr hochwertige E Bikes zu einem unglaublichen Preis Leistungs Verhltnis. Eine absolute Besonderheit der ADO E bikes ist der in der Sattelsttze versteckte Akku. Modell: Ado Air Pro 28 Leichtes 21kg Alu. E Bike mit Carbon Riemenantrieb
ADO E-Bikes:
ADO E-Bikes ist seit 2021 auf dem internationalen Markt tätig und heutzutage schon auf allen großen Fahrradmärkten wie Deutschland, Niederlande, Italien, Großbritannien, USA usw. vertreten.
ADO E-Bikes bietet sehr hochwertige E-Bikes zu einem unglaublichen Preis-Leistungs-Verhältnis.
Eine absolute Besonderheit der ADO E-bikes ist der in der Sattelstütze versteckte Akku.
Modell:
Ado Air Pro 28
Leichtes 21kg Alu. E-Bike mit Carbon-Riemenantrieb und hydraulischen Scheibenbremsen.
Bafang Dual Speed Heckmotor:
Erleben Sie die Synergie des drehmomentstarken Motors von BAFANG und des fortschrittlichen Drehmomentsensors. Steigern Sie die Effizienz Ihres E-Bike
Das automatische Dual-Speed-System des Heckmotors passt die Gänge an Ihre Geschwindigkeit an und sorgt so für sanftes Beschleunigen aus dem Stand und mühelose Fahrten bergauf oder gegen den Wind. Die einstellbare Lockout-Federgabel ist auf Vielseitigkeit ausgelegt, verbessert die Kontrolle in unterschiedlichem Gelände und erleichtert Bergauffahrten.
Motor / Akku:
36V 250W bürstenloser Bafang Motor (Hinterradnabe) 40 Nm
370Wh Lithium-Ionen Akku in der Sattelstütze
(200 WH Zusatz-Akku kann weiter unten hinzubestellt werden.)
Reichweite von ca. 60 bis 80 km (abhängig vom Fahrstil).
Gabel:
Federgabel
Farbe:
Latte
Rahmen:
Aluminium Faltrahmen.
Größe:
Radgröße 28 Zoll
Rahmenhöhe: 45cm (geeignet von 160-205 cm)
Max Zuladung: 120 kg
Beleuchtung:
Über den Fahrrad-Akku (1200 Lummen Weitwinkel Vorder-Lampe)
Rücklicht mit integriertem Blinker.
Bremsen:
2x hydraulische Scheibenbremsen
Schaltung:
Automatisches 2-Gang Dual-Speed-System
Bereifung:
28" schwarz mit Pannenschutz
Lieferzeit:
Lieferzeit etwa 4-8 Werktage.
Finanzierung / Ratenkauf:
z.B. 24 x 74,13 € ! (tatsächliche Raten können geringfügig höher sein!)
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4.8 ★★★★★
Based on 21 reviews
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Product Reviews
★★★★★ 5
The Dark Roots of Liberalism
Format: Hardcover
Italian philosopher/intellectual history Domenico Losurdo's study of the origins of liberalism is a tour de force of thorough scholarship and rigorous critique. Losurdo seems to have read all of the collected works of all of the significant thinkers in the liberal tradition, from Locke to de Tocqueville and beyond, and has created a coherent and compelling narrative of their themes and variations, as well as their rhetorical tropes and myriad contradictions.
Classical liberalism, as here presented, is an attempt to translate the world, in all its richness and mystery, into property, and to transform property into the fullest expression of both nature and nature's God. It involves fetishizing "liberty" and disdaining equality, which is seen -- correctly -- as potentially compromising the God-given prerogatives of property holders.
Losurdo's liberals divide the world into the "community of the free" -- always a minority -- and the servile majority. These masses do not deserve liberty or political participation because they perceive government as a way to address human suffering, and not simply as a bulwark protecting the divine rights of capital, i.e. the "private" realm. The classical liberal sees government as good to the extent that it has no social function at all -- because poverty and radical inequity are understood not as the outcome of human social and political arrangements, but as a reflection of immutable natural law and simple human frailty. Social Darwinist and eugenic motifs float through the Liberal symphony almost from the beginning, supplanting without really changing the earlier Protestant notion of predestination, but shifting the location of eternal reward or damnation to the marketplace and workplace.
Thus liberalism sides against social emancipation, whether of slaves or peasants or factory laborers. The job of workers within a liberal commonwealth, as depicted by most of these thinkers, is to embrace their freedom to starve and cherish the institutions that oppress them in the sweet and holy name of Liberty. Slavery makes many of these thinkers uneasy, but it is not as profoundly disturbing to them as the prospect of central government tampering with the sacred rights of property holders by abolishing an institution that makes a mockery of any concept of human liberty.
It is the radical thinkers of the French Revolution, and those influenced by them, who come out favorably here -- the ones who believe that the community must be seen as one body, and that freedom and dignity belong to all, without exception. Losurdo reminds us that it was not classical liberals who abolished slavery -- it was the Black Jacobins who brought the Rights of Man to the subjugated Africans of Haiti in history's only successful slave rebellion (at least since Moses). They were supported by the religiously inspired abolitionists, who saw slavery in moral rather than capitalist terms.
Losurdo shows that liberalism took on the despotism of Church and Crown, only to create a harsher and colder absolutism of Money and Market, wrapped up in the rhetoric of Reason and tied with the ribbon of Freedom. And though classical liberalism has mutated over time and allowed the community of the free to expand somewhat, its fundamental biases remain in place, as witnessed in every ding-dong attack against "big government" or the "nanny state." Losurdo's "counter-history" of liberalism places these tediously reflexive political gambits in historical context, showing that they are rooted in a vision of the state as a kind of gated community, serving those within the threshold of privilege, suppressing those on the outside.
At a time when political discourse centers on the percentages of the included and excluded, the worthy and the unworthy -- Occupy Wall Street's 1 percent and 99 percent, Mitt Romney's 47 percent (which was also his percentage of the vote) -- Losurdo's study is highly relevant and enlightening. It underscores the deep tensions between classical liberalism -- with its governance by and for the elite, and passive citizenship for the rest -- and the ideals of participatory and inclusive democracy, i.e., social democracy. It is an important book, and I recommend it to everyone with an interest in the history of political theory, and a desire to understand why our own political processes seem to take place in an abstract realm so cosmically distant from the reality of everyday life.
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Reviewed in the United States on November 24, 2012
★★★★★ 5
A brilliant reassessment of Western intellectual history
Format: Kindle
"Liberalism: A Counter History" by Domenico Losurdo offers a brilliant reassessment of Western intellectual history. Dr. Losurdo is a leading Italian intellectual who has taught at university for many decades. Dr. Losurdo's book will interest readers desiring bold, thoughtful and compelling perspectives on U.S. and European history; with insights that may be very useful to us today.
More than anything else, Dr. Losurdo's work articulates a highly original and powerful critique of the ideology of capitalist property relations. Diving into the writings of John Locke, Adam Smith, Bernard de Mandeville and other influential Enlightenment thinkers, Dr. Losurdo explains that the principle goal of liberalism (used here in the European sense of the word) was to secure the rights of property holders over the poor; without the meddlesome interference of church and monarchy.
Readers who are accustomed to viewing U.S. history through rose-colored glasses will find their views severely challenged here. Dr. Losurdo persuasively argues that Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin and other revolutionaries enthusiastically embraced liberal ideology in order to help institutionalize its brutal slave economy. Put another way, it seems that Independence was ultimately about the prerogatives of the elite class who comprised the "community of the free" to buy, sell and own slaves. Dr. Losurdo goes on to explain how Americans put philosophy into service to justify Anglo-Saxon racial superiority and the violent dispossession of native peoples' lands.
Dr. Losurdo discusses how liberalism has influenced world history since the American Revolution. Through Dr. Losurdo's scholarship, we gain appreciation for the inherent tension that exists between liberalism's `emancipation' of the people who are privileged by virtue of their race and class; versus the `dis-emancipation' of the working class and poor who are comprised mostly of people of color. So, while liberals' greatest proponents have tended to use violence to lock in elite privilege (colonialism, the U.S. Civil War, the two World Wars), radicals have often struggled in the name of freedom for the people (the Haitian Revolution and the French Revolution).
Importantly, Dr. Losurdo challenges us to rethink the idea that progress is a natural by-product of liberalism. It is probably more accurate to say that liberals would be content to have the people live in misery; and that freedoms have been gained by ordinary people through struggle and collective action. The importance of this insight cannot be overstated. By compelling us to think anew about the liberal legacy, we can more easily detect the liberal apologists who pander for the one percent; while empowering the 99 percent of us to speak truth to power.
I highly recommend this outstanding book to everyone.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 28, 2014
★★★★★ 4
Excellent critical history
Format: Kindle
A very thorough and important work, astute view and scope of a history of a philosophy and its most sweeping consequences in the modern era. However, this also tends to be postcolonialism in a nutshell and is, from that view, an argument that goes back to at least the 1950s in academia and further if you're looking for straight up anticolonial voices of the past. Also I don't like the way the author cites sources, often giving the reader no clue as to the specific primary source being referenced, instead referencing an entire volume or a generic secondary source. Lastly, the book falls a little short as an interrogation of the marketplace itself.
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Reviewed in the United States on September 7, 2018
★★★★★ 5
Liberals run and cower, Losurdo is here to destroy you
Format: Paperback
First the physical product review:
The book came in a brand new condition with no wonky missprints or anything. Good quality paperback.
Now the contents:
This book is a complete vivisection of the liberal ideology. Losurdo takes you to the earliest foundations of the liberal ideology and lays bare in great detail its positions and internal contradictions. He studiously walks you through the evolution of the ideology within the context of the times to give the reader a full understanding of how the "great" liberal theorists of the time attempted to navigate the sociopolitical environment, and how their interpretations in turn affected (and continues to affect) the real politick. From the French Revolition to Nazi Germany Losurdo exposes the Liberal ideology for the exclusionary and exploitative sham that it is with Liberal theorists own words and liberal governments' historical actions. If you ever heard the expression "scratch a liberal and a fascist bleeds" this book will fully explain why. Truly a must read that I cannot recommend enough!
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Reviewed in the United States on June 10, 2021
★★★★★ 5
The subtle counterrevolution mixed into the liberal revolutions
Format: Paperback
From the time of Marx/Engels the critique of liberalism has always been set against the heroic tale of its association with the triumph of democracy. As the author here makes clear in close detail the history of the liberal framework is not so transparent, and this can be seen in the way the world of Locke emerges from the radicalism of the English Civil War with a liberalism that will condone slavery. This legacy is inherited by the American Revolution and leaves the whole onset of its democracy ambiguous. This is the classic 'bourgeois' revolution and is what lead to the critiques of the socialists who looked back at the inner failure of the democratic revolutions behind their surface success.
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Reviewed in the United States on July 24, 2016
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